On Monday, 29 September 2025, the Policy and Legal Advocacy Centre (PLAC) and several of its partners, including PAACA and WRA- PA, launched a ‘Review of Reports of Electoral Reform Panels and Observers’ dating back to 2010. The launch attracted prominent civil society activists from various backgrounds and disciplines.
My friend and colleague, the Executive Director of PLAC, Mr Clement Nwankwo, delivered the opening remarks, and my former lecturer at the University of Jos and long-time colleague, Professor Ettannibi Alemika, also spoke at the event. The lead researcher, Professor Nkwachukwu Orji, a former Resident Electoral Commissioner, INEC, outlined the main components of the report.
The subsequent discussions highlighted the challenges and frustrations surrounding electoral reforms in Nigeria and questioned whether the push for reforms is genuine or driven by financial interests. Secondly, have the reforms implemented since 2010 affected the behaviour of key stakeholders in the electoral process, or is their behaviour shaping the law? More importantly, how can Nigerians overcome the bottlenecks that hinder progress and promote better electoral conduct? These are the core issues at the heart of the challenges facing the electoral process.
What is the primary catalyst for electoral reforms, and why does there continue to be a persistent drive for reforms after each electoral cycle? The Review of Reports of Electoral Reform Panels and Observers from 2001 to 2022 indicates that there have been 12 amendments to the country’s electoral legal framework.
In 2001, an amendment was made to the Electoral Act to address complaints by INEC and some po- litical parties that the National Assembly overstepped its powers in setting the election sequence and imposing new regulations on parties. In 2004, the Electoral Act was amended to create an Area Council Appeal Tribunal for the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja.
In 2006, the Electoral Act was repealed and re-enacted to resolve the many problems facing Nigeria’s electoral process. In 2007, the Electoral Act was amended to address potential delays in the voters’ registration process. In 2010, it was repealed and re-enacted to provide legal backing for the reforms recommended by the Electoral Reform Committee (ERC).
The same year, the Electoral Act was amended to ensure sufficient time for INEC to issue notices, accept candidate nominations from political parties, and facilitate the proper conduct of elections. In 2011, the Act was amended to reduce the suspension period for voter registration before any general election from 60 to 30 days. In 2015, it was amended to address 33 fundamental issues identified in the 2010 Electoral Act that required revision.
In 2022, it was repealed and re-enacted to establish a comprehensive framework for tackling the numerous challenges facing Nigeria’s electoral process. During the same year, the Act was amended to allow ‘statutory delegates’ to participate in and vote at the conventions, congresses, or meetings of political parties. Various governments have also set up electoral reform panels and committees.
In 2005, the government established the National Po- litical Reform Conference (NPRC) to address widespread dissatisfac- tion with Nigeria’s elections since 1999. In 2007, the government empanelled the Electoral Reform Committee (also known as the Uwais Committee) in response to both domestic and international concerns following the 2007 general election.
Federal Government Investigation Panel on 2011 Election Violence and Civil Disturbances (the Lemu Panel) to investigate the causes of electoral violence in Nigeria and recommend preventive and remedial measures. In 2014, the government formed the 2014 National Conference.
The subcommittee on electoral matters made extensive recommendations on how to reform Nigeria’s electoral process. I served as a delegate from civil society at the 2014 National Conference. In 2016, the government established the Con- stitution and Electoral Reform Committee (CERC) to address the ‘imperfections inherent in the present electoral processes. The National Political Reform Conference (NPRC) made 37 recommendations.
The Electoral Reform Committee proposed 262 suggestions. The Federal Government Investigation Panel on the 2011 Election Violence and Civil Disturbances issued 25 recommendations. The 2014 National Conference presented 49 proposals, and the Constitution and Electoral Reform Committee (CERC) submitted 31 recommendations, resulting in a total of 404 suggestions.
Domestic and international ob- server groups also offered their own ideas for improving Nigeria’s election system. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) accredited 205 election ob- servation groups for the 2023 general election. Of these, 179 were domestic groups, 22 were international, and 4 were international organisations. A total of 52 groups submitted 120 recommendations to reform Nigeria’s electoral process.
Following the flurry of recommendations from 2010, Nigeria is in the process of ‘restoring trust’ in the electoral process after each electoral cycle. There are three levels of recommendations. Some of these require legislative action, involving amendments to the Constitution or the Electoral Act. Others involve Executive action, as they are political in nature, and some have an administrative focus.
The Electoral Management Body has been proactive in implementing most of the recommendations that have an administrative aspect. Furthermore, many of the rec- ommendations from panels and committees have led to legislative intervention. Unfortunately, with each electoral cycle, new issues requiring legislative attention arise, prompting public hearings and initiatives on constitutional and legal reforms.
Some are abandoned midway, while others culminate in constitutional amendments and changes to the electoral legislation, including repeals and re-enactments. Society is dynamic, and the law must evolve to address new issues and challenges.
That is why the country must continue with its reforms. It is defeatist to claim that constitutional, legal, and administrative reforms have not enhanced the quality of elections in Nigeria. The problem is that the political elite support reforms only if they do not threaten their insatiable desire for power. When reforms threaten their hold on power, they tend to undermine them.
While we must persist with reforms, we also need to scrutinise the attitude of the political class. Some oppose reforms to the process; others believe that vot- ers and ordinary people should be marginalised and impoverished; preventing them from making informed electoral decisions. Civil society groups, organised labour, professional associations, women’s organisations and other key stakeholders must persist in demanding reforms to the electoral legislative framework.
They must also continue to hold the political elite accountable and insist that they reform their behaviour for democracy to thrive in the country. Giving up is not an option, as it would only play into the hands of anti-democratic forces. Civil society groups and other stakeholders must remain focused and strategic, avoiding the use of public hearings and election observation missions for grandstanding and publicity stunts.
The task of reforming the electoral process is a serious endeavour, and they must aim to elevate our electoral standards to international levels. They should shift attention to the policies, practices, and conduct of political parties and politicians. If we can persuade the political elite to adhere to the rules, we will be on the path towards credible and acceptable elections.
